| |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Asbury Park Press, Courier Post, Philadelphia Inquirer, The Record, Star Ledger............... "...Trenton sets the rules for contract negotiations, and they are tilted today in favor of the unions. Edison pays its cops an average of more than $100,000 because surrounding towns do as well, and state arbitration rules force Edison to keep up. The same dynamic drives up teacher salaries.
Trenton needs to rewrite those rules..."
The Gov. Chris Christie era: Public employees face a new day
By Star-Ledger Editorial Board/The Star-Led...
January 20, 2010, 5:03AM
The memorable moment in Gov. Chris Christie’s upbeat inaugural speech yesterday came when he invited the two Democratic leaders of the Legislature to join him on stage and shake hands.
Nice touch. Christie knows he can’t get anything done without these two, Assembly Speaker Sheila Oliver and Senate President Steve Sweeney. So why not start things off with a little love?
The task is not hopeless. Thanks to our desperate state, the two parties are in rare agreement that we need to shrink government.
Public employees will be the first target. The opulent benefits many of them enjoy today can’t be justified, given that few taxpayers can match them.
We can’t afford to pay beat cops $100,000 a year, as we do today in some towns. We can’t afford to give teachers raises that average nearly 5 percent, as we did last year.
And we certainly can’t afford to give cash to public workers for unused sick time. That’s just nuts.
During governor Jon Corzine’s years, the fight with unions was restricted almost entirely to Trenton. Corzine made a start, and Christie will press harder.
But that’s not where the money is. Even if you fired all state workers tomorrow, you would close less than half the budget deficit next year, because only 20 percent of the money Trenton collects is spent on state operations. The rest is sent to schools, towns, hospitals and other programs.
So the more important test is whether Christie and the Democrats can agree on measures to cut spending at the local level — on teachers, police and firefighters.
Christie has already ordered his staff to prepare for cuts in local aid as deep as 25 percent.
But it can’t end there. Trenton sets the rules for contract negotiations, and they are tilted today in favor of the unions. Edison pays its cops an average of more than $100,000 because surrounding towns do as well, and state arbitration rules force Edison to keep up. The same dynamic drives up teacher salaries.
Trenton needs to rewrite those rules. And in the meantime, towns and schools will have to tell their unions the hard truth: Either they agree to givebacks, or they will face layoffs.
Welcome to the Christie era. It won’t be easy. But reaching out to Democrats yesterday was a smart first step.
January 19, 2010
Christie's vow: Change a'comin'
Gov. Chris Christie left no doubt in anyone's mind during Tuesday's inaugural address about what his election represented: "You voted for change and today change has arrived" — a line he repeated six times.
In a speech largely devoid of specific policy prescriptions, Christie focused on two broad themes — the need for the state to change direction and the need for lawmakers in both parties to work together for the common good.
In a symbolic gesture of bipartisan goodwill, Christie asked Democratic Senate President Stephen Sweeney and Assembly Speaker Sheila Oliver to join him on the dais for a "handshake of resolve and friendship." It drew the longest and loudest ovation of the 33-minute address.
"Let us shake hands as a symbol for our citizens of all that is possible in a future that demands that who gets the credit finally takes a back seat to doing something worth getting credit for," Christie said, in perhaps the best line of the speech. It not only spoke to the need for lawmakers to put citizens — not their political parties — first, but put pressure on the Democratic leadership to help him deliver on his promises.
Most of the speech was aimed at inspiring and uniting. Christie singled out five of New Jersey's citizen-heroes and pointed to the state's strengths as a research, scientific and transportation hub. He spoke of its geographic and demographic diversity, and of the need to tap into it to restore pride in New Jersey and "confidence in the possibilities ahead." While the speech was largely devoid of the sharp, partisan rhetoric that surfaced frequently during the gubernatorial transition period, Christie made it clear he had no intention of compromising on his campaign promises:
"As for me, I will heed the message I have heard over and over again from our citizens as I have traveled around the state in the last 11 weeks. Simply put, they have told me to do what I said I would do. . . . I will treat that promise to the people of our state just as solemnly as I will treat my oath of office. I will do exactly what I said I would do over the last year, no matter the obstacle or trial."
His closing quotation, borrowed from Abraham Lincoln during an 1861 visit to Newark, was chosen with great care. It cautioned that if he didn't get the help he needed from the Legislature to advance his agenda, he would turn to the people who elected him.
"Without the people I cannot hope to succeed; with them I cannot fail."
It won't take long to find out whether the Democrats will partner with him.
Additional Facts
Despite his calls for bipartisanship, Christie made it clear he had no intention of compromising on his campaign promises.
The Record
|
|
|
|
|
Stile: Christie acknowledges that he can't do everything himself Wednesday, January 20, 2010 By CHARLES STILE Governor Christie delivered a memorable, "The Buck Stops Here" line Tuesday, with his characteristic, in-your-face, Jersey bluntness. "One person can make a difference — I will make a difference," Christie said, eliciting the 19th burst of applause in his inaugural speech Tuesday. But Tuesday's grand ritual under the dim orange glow of the Trenton War Memorial was not solely Christie's moment. Nor did it signal the Republican Party's long-awaited restoration, even though jubilant allies of the heyday of Governors DiFrancesco, Whitman and Kean wove through the crowd, a little more jowly and gray. Christie's inaugural ushered in a new coalition government, the beginning of a power-sharing arrangement between the pragmatic Christie Republicans and the business-before-ideology Democrats allied with George Norcross, the fierce, silver-maned South Jersey power broker who was safely ensconced near the center of the auditorium, 15 aisles away from the stage. Christie clearly laid out his vision, striking Rooseveltian chords of resolve — "fear and uncertainty are not necessary and do not have to be permanent" — and Reaganesque chords of optimism — "we have the tools for a brighter future, if we change direction" — but he also made a symbolic bow to the ascendancy of Norcross, perhaps the most prominent Democratic power broker who eluded Christie's anti-corruption crusade during his seven years as U.S. attorney for New Jersey. Midway through the speech, Christie summoned Senate President Stephen Sweeney, Norcross's high school pal and political ally, and Assembly Speaker Sheila Oliver of Essex, who won the post in November in a deal brokered with the South Jersey faction. "I ask Senator Sweeney and Speaker Oliver to come and stand with me and join in a handshake of resolve and friendship, in a handshake of commitment to stand for our principles — but to never abandon our duty to serve the people," Christie said. He patted Sweeney on the back. The crowd roared with approval. Christie demonstrated Tuesday that he has the bully pulpit and he is not afraid to use it, but that he doesn't necessarily have his hands on all the levers of power. He has an enormous task of balancing a deficit-plagued budget, delivering property tax relief and restoring the state's business climate and morale, but he won't achieve those goals without the help of the Norcross-linked Sweeney-Oliver bloc. Both legislative leaders will have virtually imperial control over what bills live or die in Trenton. They will preside over vast political funds that can determine the fate of legislators' campaigns and careers. They control committee assignments. Loyalists get the cash and plum committee posts — malcontents are shown the door. The political reach is not limited to South Jersey, especially in the Senate where Sweeney's ouster of his popular predecessor, Dick Codey of Essex, was propelled by North Jersey support from Sen. Paul Sarlo of Wood-Ridge, Brian Stack of Union City and even Teaneck Sen. Loretta Weinberg. Norcross's brother, Donald, a South Jersey labor leader and a key component of the political machine, is now a state senator. And Norcross also has proxy relations with some Republicans, like Sen. Kevin O'Toole of Cedar Grove, who is also head of the Republican county chairman group. O'Toole has fostered a warm, working relationship with Sweeney. The Norcross influence also extends beyond the State House. His other brother, Phil, is partner in a politically powerful South Jersey law firm that represents the casino industry. That kind of influence gives South Jersey immense control over the agenda. But some analysts believe Christie's gesture was more a nod to the political realities of the electorate than to Norcross's power. Christie's victory was powered, in part, by attracting independents and socially conservative Democrats in Democratic strongholds, such as Middlesex, Essex and Union counties. Sweeney, an electrician union official, is by temperament and political background, a socially conservative-moderate, as evidenced by his public battles with public employee unions two years ago and his decision to abstain from the same sex marriage bill last month. In this view, Christie is embracing someone "cut from the same mold," as one strategist put it. Norcrossacknowledged that point in a brief interview Tuesday. "I have the highest regard for Governor Christie's aggressive leadership, and I believe he will find a very natural constituency with the majority of legislators and in particular, with the leadership of the Legislature," he said. Codey, who has openly warred with Norcross and Sweeney, wasn't buying any of it. He warned anyone who will listen over the past few years that Norcross represented a ruthless, dictatorial form of bossism that will stop at nothing. Not even Chris Christie with his high poll ratings. He believes the amity between Christie and the Norcross faction will be short-lived. "I'm sure at times it will be and I'm sure at times someone will take a toy away and there'll be disputes and fights," Codey said. "What you have there … really, incredibly strong personalities and that is not always a good synergy, shall we say. I don't think Christie is the kind that gets rolled." E-mail: stile@northjersey.com |
Courier Post: Jan 20,2010 Editorial
The new governor charted a direction, but didn’t offer details about getting to the destination.
The theme of Gov. Chris Christie's inaugural address Tuesday can be summed up in one, oft-repeated word from the speech: change.
Christie began and ended his first speech as New Jersey governor talking about how the state needs change. And in between that . . . he talked more about the need for change.
The new governor beat the "change" message into the ground, to be sure, but that's OK. After all, it's a message of truth. Change is needed in New Jersey, most especially in government, and it's critical that our new governor show that change is something he's ready to fight for and make happen. Christie tried hard Tuesday (through repetition and forceful tone) to show that he, indeed, has that passion.
"New Jersey, you voted for change and today, change has arrived."
Christie offered some direction on the "what" and "where" he wants change.
But, as politicians so often do, particularly during inaugural addresses, Christie left out the specifics on the "how" part about all this change. How will he get it done?
Christie talked of a new era for New Jersey of "lower taxes and higher growth." To get there, he talked, without offering specifics, of cutting some government programs, reducing municipal spending and restraining state government.
He talked about his urban education plan of giving poor parents choices about where their kids go to school and opening more charter schools across the state.
And he talked about peeling away the layers of regulation and law that make it daunting for businesses to start up in New Jersey or to move here from elsewhere.
We would have liked a lot more specifics on how he plans to do all these things. With everything in government, the devil is in the details, and Christie has offered few details so far about how he'll, for example, restrain state government and balance the budget or how he'll get municipalities around the state to spend less.
All the problems Christie identified in his speech and targeted for change took years to develop and become the crises they now are. Property taxes and school/municipal spending is one example. These two things are joined at the hip since property taxes fuel all local town governments and school districts. How Christie will lower property tax bills and maintain or even bolster school spending remains cloudy.
As all New Jerseyans fed up with high taxes and broken government in this state should, we appreciatethat Christie recognizes that it's his job to fix these problems.
"One person can make a difference. I will make a difference. And each of you will make a difference too, if you believe in a better tomorrow. Believe me, I did not come to this office for failure. I came here for success, the kind of success that only comes from putting public service ahead of self-service."
And Christie, a Republican, appears ready to work across party lines in a state dominated by Democrats. (We'll see how long it lasts, though.) Christie asked newly minted state Senate President Stephen M. Sweeney, D-Gloucester, and state Assembly Speaker Sheila Oliver, D-Essex, to join him for a "handshake of commitment" -- a pledge of sorts that they will work together and overcome partisan differences to actually solve the state's problems.
We don't believe for a second that it will be all handshakes and smiles and that partisanship won't rear its ugly head in the State House under Christie.
But we like that Christie clearly seems to recognize that he won't accomplish anything without the help of Sweeney, Oliver and other Democrats. Yesterday in this space we wrote about why it is so important that Christie, Sweeney and Oliver maintain a good, working relationship to get things done. Ideally, they'll all do as Christie said and put accomplishment ahead of the usual partisan reflex to claim full victory for every success and to assign blame (to the other party) for every failure.
As Christie is keenly aware, New Jersey is not a Republican-leaning state; it is decidedly blue. But voters ignored that because they wanted something more than a Democratic governor who wasn't delivering.
They wanted results. They wanted change. So they got the ball rolling by making a change in the governor's mansion.
So governor, talk of change is great, but results are what we expect and deserve.
|
|
| |
|
|
| |
Philadelphia Inquirer, Jan. 20, 2010 - Editorial: Christie era begins
New Jersey Gov. Christopher J. Christie displayed at his inauguration yesterday the optimism he'll need, minus the details, to solve the state's chronic fiscal problems. The first Republican governor in eight years promised "a new era of lower taxes and higher growth." That would be a breathtaking turnaround for a state with the highest property taxes and largest per-capita budget deficit in the nation. Christie, 47, understands what he's up against. The state deficit is at least $8 billion, about one-third of the overall budget. The state is burdened with $31 billion in debt. Unemployment is at its highest level in a quarter-century, and tax collections are weak. Given all that, the former federal prosecutor didn't sugarcoat his message to New Jersey residents. Painful decisions loom when Christie unveils his first budget next month. "The era of runaway spending and higher and higher taxes has not worked," he said, forecasting more budget cuts and reductions in state aid for municipalities. But Christie predicted this new course will result in economic growth. Christie's predecessor, Democrat Jon S. Corzine, also understood New Jersey's fiscal dilemma. But the former Wall Street wizard failed to make much progress on that front. Corzine did shield the state's most vulnerable citizens from the deepest budget cuts, a principle Christie also has a moral duty to follow. It didn't take long yesterday for Christie to show one improvement over Corzine. Christie is a better public speaker, and thus has the potential to be a better salesman for his agenda. It is a difference of style, not substance, but style could help the new governor in the difficult days ahead. In a bit of political stagecraft, Christie also invited new Senate President Stephen Sweeney (D., Gloucester) and Assembly Speaker Sheila Oliver (D., Essex) to stand with him and shake hands. The three leaders will need to reach out to each other regularly if they're to get anything done. Democrats control the Legislature, but they lack enough votes to override Christie's veto. Another change in Trenton is the arrival of the state's first lieutenant governor, Kim Guadagno. Voters approved the position in 2005. She will begin overseeing elections, tourism, cultural programs, and other state government functions. Christie singled out several New Jersey "heroes," including Dave Girgenti of Cherry Hill and Tammy Evans-Colquitt of Pennsauken, for their work helping others in need. It may be instructive that Christie also praised a Freehold man who operates a soup kitchen "with no formal funding from government." Trenton can't afford its old spending habits, but neither should it abandon its role as a safety net for those with the greatest needs. |
|
